Center For Research In Indo

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āĻŦāĻžāĻ‚āĻ˛āĻžāĻĻā§‡āĻļā§‡āĻ° āĻ‰āĻ¨ā§āĻ¨āĻ¯āĻŧāĻ¨ā§‡ āĻšā§€āĻ¨ āĻ“ āĻ­āĻžāĻ°āĻ¤ā§‡āĻ° āĻ…āĻŦāĻĻāĻžāĻ¨āĨ¤

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āĻ…āĻ°ā§āĻĨāĻŦāĻ˛ā§‡ āĻŦāĻžāĻ‚āĻ˛āĻžāĻĻā§‡āĻļā§‡āĻ°Â  āĻšā§‡āĻ¯āĻŧā§‡ āĻ…āĻ¨ā§‡āĻ• āĻ•āĻŽ āĻšāĻ¯āĻŧā§‡ āĻ¯āĻĻāĻŋ āĻāĻ•āĻŸāĻŋ āĻ¸ā§āĻŦāĻžāĻ§ā§€āĻ¨ āĻĻā§‡āĻļ āĻšāĻŋāĻ¸ā§‡āĻŦā§‡ āĻĨāĻžāĻ•āĻ¤ā§‡ āĻĒāĻžāĻ°ā§‡, āĻ¤āĻŦā§‡ āĻŦāĻžāĻ‚āĻ˛āĻžāĻĻā§‡āĻļāĻ“ āĻāĻ•āĻŸāĻŋ āĻ¸ā§āĻŦāĻžāĻ§ā§€āĻ¨ āĻĻā§‡āĻļ āĻšāĻŋāĻ¸ā§‡āĻŦā§‡ āĻ…āĻŦāĻļā§āĻ¯āĻ‡ āĻĨāĻžāĻ•āĻŦā§‡ āĻāĻŦāĻ‚ āĻ¸ā§āĻŦāĻžāĻ§ā§€āĻ¨ āĻŦāĻžāĻ‚āĻ˛āĻžāĻĻā§‡āĻļā§‡āĻ° āĻœāĻ¨āĻ—āĻŖ āĻ¨āĻŋāĻœā§‡āĻĻā§‡āĻ° āĻŽāĻ¤ āĻ¸ā§āĻŦāĻĻā§‡āĻļāĻ•ā§‡ āĻ—āĻĄāĻŧā§‡ āĻ¤ā§āĻ˛āĻ¤ā§‡ āĻĒāĻžāĻ°āĻŦā§‡āĨ¤ āĻ…āĻĨāĻš āĻšā§€āĻ¨ ā§§ā§¯ā§­ā§Ģ āĻ¸āĻžāĻ˛ā§‡āĻ° ā§§ā§ĢāĻ‡ āĻ†āĻ—āĻˇā§āĻŸ āĻŦāĻžāĻ‚āĻ˛āĻžāĻĻā§‡āĻļā§‡āĻ° āĻŦāĻ°ā§āĻ¤āĻŽāĻžāĻ¨ āĻŽāĻžāĻ¨āĻ¨ā§€āĻ¯āĻŧ āĻĒā§āĻ°āĻ§āĻžāĻ¨āĻŽāĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ā§āĻ°ā§€āĻ° āĻĒāĻŋāĻ¤āĻž āĻŦāĻ™ā§āĻ—āĻŦāĻ¨ā§āĻ§ā§ āĻļā§‡āĻ– āĻŽā§āĻœāĻŋāĻŦā§āĻ° āĻ°āĻšāĻŽāĻžāĻ¨ āĻœā§€āĻŦāĻŋāĻ¤ āĻĨāĻžāĻ•āĻžāĻ•āĻžāĻ˛ā§€āĻ¨Â   āĻ¸ā§āĻŦāĻžāĻ§ā§€āĻ¨ āĻŦāĻžāĻ‚āĻ˛āĻžāĻĻā§‡āĻļā§‡āĻ° āĻ¸ā§āĻŦā§€āĻ•ā§ƒāĻ¤āĻŋ āĻĒāĻ°ā§āĻ¯āĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ āĻĻā§‡āĻ¯āĻŧ āĻ¨āĻžāĻ‡āĨ¤   āĻ¸āĻŽā§āĻĒā§āĻ°āĻ¤āĻŋ āĻ—āĻŖāĻĒā§āĻ°āĻœāĻžāĻ¤āĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ā§āĻ°ā§€ āĻšā§€āĻ¨ā§‡āĻ° ā§­ā§ĒāĻ¤āĻŽ āĻĒā§āĻ°āĻ¤āĻŋāĻˇā§āĻ āĻžāĻŦāĻžāĻ°ā§āĻˇāĻŋāĻ•ā§€ āĻ‰āĻĻāĻ¯āĻžāĻĒāĻ¨ āĻ‰āĻĒāĻ˛āĻ•ā§āĻˇā§‡ āĻŦāĻžāĻ‚āĻ˛āĻžāĻĻā§‡āĻļā§‡ āĻ¨āĻŋāĻ¯ā§āĻ•ā§āĻ¤ āĻšā§€āĻ¨ā§‡āĻ° āĻ°āĻžāĻˇā§āĻŸā§āĻ°āĻĻā§‚āĻ¤ āĻŽāĻŋ: āĻ‡āĻ¯āĻŧāĻžāĻ“  āĻ“āĻ¯āĻŧā§‡āĻ¨ āĻŦāĻ˛ā§‡āĻ¨Â  āĻ—āĻ¤ āĻšā§āĻ¯āĻŧāĻžāĻ¤ā§āĻ¤āĻ° āĻŦāĻ›āĻ°ā§‡ āĻšā§€āĻ¨ā§‡āĻ° āĻ•āĻŽāĻŋāĻ‰āĻ¨āĻŋāĻ¸ā§āĻŸ āĻĒāĻžāĻ°ā§āĻŸāĻŋāĻ° (āĻ¸āĻŋāĻĒāĻŋāĻ¸āĻŋ) āĻŦāĻ˛āĻŋāĻˇā§āĻ  āĻ¨ā§‡āĻ¤ā§ƒāĻ¤ā§āĻŦā§‡ āĻšā§€āĻ¨ āĻ¯ā§āĻ—āĻžāĻ¨ā§āĻ¤āĻ•āĻžāĻ°ā§€ āĻĒāĻ°āĻŋāĻŦāĻ°ā§āĻ¤āĻ¨ā§‡āĻ° āĻŽāĻ§ā§āĻ¯ā§‡ āĻĻāĻŋāĻ¯āĻŧā§‡ āĻĒāĻĨ āĻ…āĻ¤āĻŋāĻ•ā§āĻ°āĻŽ āĻ•āĻ°ā§‡āĻ›ā§‡ āĻ†āĻ° āĻ¸ā§ƒāĻˇā§āĻŸāĻŋ āĻ•āĻ°ā§‡āĻ›ā§‡ āĻĻā§āĻŸāĻŋ āĻŦāĻŋāĻ¸ā§āĻŽāĻ¯āĻŧ, āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦā§‡āĻ° āĻ…āĻ¨ā§āĻ¯ āĻ•ā§‹āĻĨāĻžāĻ“ āĻ¯āĻžāĻ° āĻœā§āĻĄāĻŧāĻŋ āĻŽā§‡āĻ˛āĻž āĻ­āĻžāĻ°, āĻ¯ā§‡āĻŽāĻ¨ āĻĻā§āĻ°ā§āĻ¤ āĻ…āĻ°ā§āĻĨāĻ¨ā§ˆāĻ¤āĻŋāĻ• āĻ‰āĻ¨ā§āĻ¨āĻ¯āĻŧāĻ¨ āĻ“ āĻĻā§€āĻ°ā§āĻ˜āĻŽā§‡āĻ¯āĻŧāĻžāĻĻāĻŋ āĻ¸āĻžāĻŽāĻžāĻœāĻŋāĻ• āĻ¸ā§āĻĨāĻŋāĻ¤āĻŋāĻļā§€āĻ˛āĻ¤āĻžāĨ¤ āĻšā§€āĻ¨āĻž āĻŦā§ˆāĻļāĻŋāĻˇā§āĻŸā§āĻ¯āĻŽāĻŖā§āĻĄāĻŋāĻ¤  āĻ¸āĻŽāĻžāĻœāĻ¤āĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ā§āĻ°ā§‡āĻ° āĻĒāĻĨ āĻ§āĻ°ā§‡ āĻšā§€āĻ¨āĻž āĻœāĻ¨āĻ—āĻŖ āĻ•ā§‡āĻŦāĻ˛ āĻ¤āĻžāĻĻā§‡āĻ° āĻŽāĻžāĻ¤ā§ƒāĻ­ā§‚āĻŽāĻŋāĻ•ā§‡ āĻ¸ā§āĻ—āĻ­ā§€āĻ° āĻ‰āĻ¨ā§āĻ¨āĻ¯āĻŧāĻ¨āĻŽā§‚āĻ˛āĻ• āĻĒāĻ°āĻŋāĻŦāĻ°ā§āĻ¤āĻ¨ āĻ¸āĻžāĻ§āĻ¨ āĻ•āĻ°ā§‡āĻ¨āĻŋ āĻŦāĻ°āĻ‚ āĻŦāĻŋāĻļā§āĻŦāĻ•ā§‡ āĻ‰āĻ¨ā§āĻ¨āĻ¤ āĻ•āĻ°ā§‡āĻ›ā§‡ āĻŦāĻ˛ā§‡ āĻĻāĻžāĻŦāĻŋ āĻ•āĻ°ā§‡āĻ›ā§‡āĻ¨āĨ¤ āĻ¤āĻŋāĻ¨āĻŋ āĻŦāĻ˛ā§‡āĻ¨ āĻ†āĻ§ā§āĻ¨āĻŋāĻ•ā§€āĻ•āĻ°āĻŖā§‡āĻ° āĻšā§€āĻ¨āĻž āĻĒāĻĨā§‡ āĻ°āĻ¯āĻŧā§‡āĻ›ā§‡ āĻ…āĻ¤ā§āĻ˛āĻ¨ā§€āĻ¯āĻŧ āĻœā§€āĻŦāĻ¨ā§€āĻļāĻ•ā§āĻ¤āĻŋāĨ¤ āĻ¸āĻ°ā§āĻŦāĻ•ā§āĻˇā§‡āĻ¤ā§āĻ°ā§‡ āĻāĻ•āĻŸāĻŋ āĻŽāĻ§ā§āĻ¯āĻĒāĻ¨ā§āĻĨā§€ āĻ¸āĻŽā§ƒāĻĻā§āĻ§ āĻ¸āĻŽāĻžāĻœ āĻ—āĻ āĻ¨ā§‡āĻ° āĻĒā§āĻ°āĻĨāĻŽ āĻļāĻ¤āĻŦāĻ°ā§āĻˇā§€ āĻ˛āĻ•ā§āĻˇā§āĻ¯ āĻ…āĻ°ā§āĻœāĻ¨ā§‡āĻ° āĻĒāĻ°, āĻšā§€āĻ¨āĻž āĻœāĻ¨āĻ—āĻŖ āĻāĻ–āĻ¨ āĻšā§€āĻ¨āĻ•ā§‡ āĻ¸āĻ°ā§āĻŦāĻ•ā§āĻˇā§‡āĻ¤ā§āĻ°ā§‡  āĻāĻ•āĻŸāĻŋ āĻ†āĻ§ā§āĻ¨āĻŋāĻ• āĻ¸āĻŽāĻžāĻœāĻ¤āĻžāĻ¨ā§āĻ¤ā§āĻ°āĻŋāĻ• 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āĻŦāĻžāĻ‚āĻ˛āĻžāĻĻā§‡āĻļā§‡āĻ° āĻ‰āĻ¨ā§āĻ¨āĻ¯āĻŧāĻ¨ā§‡ āĻšā§€āĻ¨ āĻ“ āĻ­āĻžāĻ°āĻ¤ā§‡āĻ° āĻ…āĻŦāĻĻāĻžāĻ¨āĨ¤ Read More »

The Marmas of Bangladesh:  A Historical Profile of their Accommodation

Swapna Bhattacharya, former Professor and Head, South & Southeast Asian Studies, Calcutta University     This writing restricted in its scope of projecting on some aspects of the History of the Marmas of Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh comes from my heart.  The present contribution should also be read as a logical continuation of my previous one, published in this E. journal. Thus, to avoid repetition, facts about the northern Rakhine Muslims                 (Rohingyas) already  highlighted there, have been kept outside focus. Nevertheless, the uncertain repatriation or   challenging rehabilitation of the Rohingyas in general directly affects the Buddhist communities of CHT, the Marmas included.  A recent publication entitled Rohingya Crisis; Response in Bangladesh adequately addresses the concern.   Over the last few decades a large number of articles, Occasional papers and a few books on this corner of Bangladesh-Myanmar-Northeast India could be produced by me, a part of which has been included in the bibliography. Such gifts I could present before my readers as I had the fortune to meet many scholars at international conferences, workshops etc.  and senior Rakhine monks, based in India and beyond.   The History of Nation building process is an extremely fascinating phenomenon,   in which the combined force of faiths and institutions plays an extremely constructive role. The Rakhine Buddhism and the Rakhine spirit of accommodation ( of various faiths and ideas) contributed a lot in this regard. Among many thinkers of India, Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore   and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar( S. Bhattacharya, 2015 &  2019)  could read this asset  in the Rakhine people. The Marmas of CHT numerically a tiny community though, faithfully follow the Dhamma ( the righteous Path) and it is high time that the  young generation in India  should know more about this “forgotten ” chapter of combined History of Bangladesh-India-Myanmar.  After all, Bangladesh and Myanmar are the two most trusted regional partners for India.  All three countries have strong institutional bodies (Government, private, academic, religious), Think tanks,  and vibrant civil societies .  Thus, future challenges, if any, can certainly be fought out  and solved  jointly.   The CHT, or Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh, the valley of Feni, Karnafuli, Sangu and Matamuri, is home of about 1.2 million people.  Most of them actually came from across the border and have their co brethren in the Arakan Hills and elsewhere in Myanmar.  The major groups of CHT are: Chakma, Marma, and Tippera. The Chakmas and Marmas follow the orthodox Theravada faith of Myanmar model, while the third group, the Tipperas, adhere to Hinduism. According to dependable  sources,  the number of Marmas  is just  3, 500 today, while in 1981 ( Bhattacharya , 2001:  321)  their number was 1,20,000.  The ever descending trend can be read either as their “failure” to accommodate with a Muslim majority state or it can also be due to peculiar challenges, faced by them. Most probably or as I argue here, it is the second factor.  There are quite a few Bangladeshi  and Indian scholars of eminence who ( Mustafa Majid, 2003: 149-152,   A. Asad, 2014, S. Mukherje, 2000, S. Chakma, 1986)  are equally concerned about the ever increasing settlements – legal or illegal- in the Hills of Chittagong, leading to pressure, if not displacement of the indigenous people. Bimal Parmanik in his extremely valuable work Hindu Decrescent: Bangladesh & West Bengal  ( Pramanik, 2021: 19-21) highlighted the descending or unhappy  trend also of the Buddhist population,  taking examples from districts of Chittagong  Bandarban, Khagrachhari and Rangamati. According to him), the Buddhist population in Bangladesh came down from 49.98% in 1981 to 37, 68% in 2011 ( Parmanik, 2021:  22).  His study with concrete data   skilfully projects upon the concerning downward trend of Hindu population of   all the districts of Bangladesh.    The Marmas  live mostly in the areas like Bandarban, Rangamati and Khagrachari of Chittagong Hill Tracts, and in the plains of Cox’s Bazaar and coastal Patuakhali.   As I have shown in one of my earlier writings ( S. Bhattacharya, 2011, 23 & 2015: 35), the Buddhism followed by the Chakmas is much more open than that followed by relatively more orthodox  Marmas.   The minor groups of CHT are Tongchengya, Mru ( L. G. Loeffler, 1990) , Mrung/ Riang, Bawm, Khumi, Sak, Pangkhua, Khyang and Lushai. Only the Lushai and a few other small groups follow Christianity, while Tongchengya, Mru, Mrung, Bawm, Khumi, Sak follow Buddhism and also worship nature.  In the ethnographical literature written by a large number of colonial administrators, the Chakmas and Marmas are projected as the “Children of the River “ (Khyountha)  category,   while the rest as the children of the Hills or  Toungtha.  The word “ Toung” in Myanmar language means “ mountain”. Such “Plains-Hills Dichotomy” (Bhattacharya, 2001:  326)   in reality is a myth, and often created by the colonial rulers and administrators (Lewin, 2004: 55-57)  in their own interest. The armed resistance that the colonial rulers faced – which they often called “ raids” –  made them extremely cautious in dealing with  such frontier areas ( F.K. Lehman, 1980) as the Lushai Hills ( modern Mizoram), Chittagong Hill Tracts or Arakan Hills.  The Plains dwellers were focused as more “civilized’ against the “Raiders” who were considered as “wild” or wild tribes.  The Magh – a generic name used widely in the colonial literature on Bengal-Burma Frontier actually — points to the Rakhines (Arakanese)  of Myanmar.  The Marmas do not use the term for themselves. Among many explanations for the popularity of the term  may be the “Magadha connection” .  After all, Magadha Empire emerged as the most supreme centre for spread of Buddhism.   Hutchinson states  “The Magh tribe is scattered throughout the District; the majority occupy the country south of the river Karnaphuli, and are under the Chiefship of the Bohmong who has his headquarter at Bandarban on the Sangu river “ ( Hutchinson, 2006: 42). According to Census of 1901, their total strength was 34,706 ( Hutchinson, 2006: 44). Hutchinson narrates further details of history regarding settlement of the 33, 000  …

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The Bangladesh way to women centric development

Dr. KasturiBhadra Roy Links between the South Asian neighbours, People’s Republic of Bangladesh and the Republic of India are cultural, civilizational, social, and economic. There is much that unites the two countries – a shared history of the common heritage originating from the Bengal region, linguistic and cultural ties, passion for music, literature and the arts. Both are common members of SAARC, BIMSTEC, IORA (Indian Ocean Rim Association) the Commonwealth.   Bangladesh, however, once called a ‘bottomless basket’ by former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, has recently garnered worldwide acclaim for its strides in human development. As reflected in the Gender Gap Report‘s 17th edition (2023), Bangladesh secured 59th position in the overall tally.  All other south Asian countries have ranks beyond 100. India secured rank 127.   As compared to India, more percentage of women is participating in paid work in Bangladesh. Economic participation’, in Bangladesh (0.438) is better than its neighbouring India (0.367). Wage of women is closer to the wage of Bangladeshi men for similar work and in fact, in 2018, Bangladesh’s gender wage gap was lowest in the globe (MTBiz 2018).   In ‘Educational attainment’ and ‘Health and survival’ sub-indices, Bangladesh attained (0.936) and (0.962) respectively and has done more or less the same as its neighbouring countries. These are sub-indices where most countries have done well.   However, in ‘political empowerment’, Bangladesh (0.552) is way ahead of its neighbours in south Asia, ranking 7th globally.   These achievements, however, run contrary to the traditional portrait of Muslim society and women in Bangladesh. If we look back at the post war of Independence era, in 1971, Tully          (2019) writes, the economy had collapsed, and, as a result, there was a famine in 1974. The government said 27,000 people died of starvation; unofficial estimates were as high as 1.8 million. The famine was followed by the assassination of Sheikh MujiburRahman, and almost his entire family, leading to a series of military coups and political instability.   Bangladesh went through difficult times, setting up a new administration, rehabilitating displaced persons, and dealing with the assassination of its founder and top political leadership and several aborted and successful military coups (Husain 2021). The two major political parties, Sheikh Hasina’sAwami League and Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party, have alternated in power since 1991. Since 2009, the Awami League has ruled, having won three consecutive elections.   The battle of the begums has remained intense and bitter. Khaleda Zia boycotted the elections and has remained in jail for quite some time along with many of her party stalwarts.   It is interesting in this perspective, to see how the country could make substantial economic and social headway with such fierce political rivalry and perceived instability.   Despite bitter political rivalries, however, there has been continuity in economic policies, projects and programmes in Bangladesh. The parties did not deviate from the basic anchors – macroeconomic stability, fiscal prudence, openness to trade, incentivizing the private sector and commitment to social development. Policy irreversibility has shown that a change of government would have no abrupt dislocation that could adversely affect investor and market sentiment, allowing investors to pursue their plans uninterrupted-resulting in economic gains over time (Husain 2021).   After a series of crises post the country’s 1971 liberation war, the elites in Bangladesh reached a consensus to develop better relationships with international donor agencies to take their support in rebuilding the country. The elites accepted the agencies’ conditions and priorities such as women-focused developmental programmes.   Bangladesh has successfully used its low-cost advantage to become a base for garment manufacturing. (Chakravarty 2013).This has led to the migration of millions of people from rural areas into the manufacturing sector, with women being the biggest beneficiaries.   From the 1990s, there were rising numbers of women in paid work in export factories, number of girls’ enrolment in schools, women receiving health care and other services. Women were employed in increasing numbers by the state, including as teachers, health workers, administrators and the police.   Husain also mentions that laws, policies and programmes to protect women and children against violence and to protect the most vulnerable from hunger and poverty were passed and implemented. Women played a growing role in politics through quotas and reservations (the index 0.552 in Bangladesh compared to 0.253 in India).   On the other hand, the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee, GrameenBank and Association for Social Advancement have also played a pivotal role in spreading education and health facilities and providing women access to Self-employment through micro credit schemes.   M NiazAsadullah et al (2013), in their article enumerate that an inclusive development strategy involving various non-government stakeholders, religious bodies and aid donors has helped Bangladesh in promoting women-centric development programmes. A strong commitment from the elites, support from donor agencies and involvement of non-government stakeholders in framing the development strategy helped keep women in the forefront of the development process. This is an interesting journey to learn from.  Bangladesh has depended on aid and had to accept the advice that comes with it. However, it hasnot always been a happy relationship. Bangladeshi NGOs, for instance, have often clashed with international donors. The Bangladeshis have claimed, with some justification, that they know what is best for their country. There have also been accusations that Bangladesh has developed an aid-dependence syndrome, and some donors have given bad advice at times, prompted by their country’s commercial interests rather than the interests of Bangladesh.   But Bangladesh’s dependence on aid has meant that it has been far less easy for politicians to politicize economic decisions or twist them to their own advantage. It is undeniable also that it has given NGOs the freedom to make a contribution to the county’s development. Guided by their experience of working on the ground, they have also been able to influenced policy.   India, on the other hand, has taken a different path to growth. Instead of low-skilled manufacturing jobs, the services sector has become the country’s economic powerhouse due to its pool …

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