Bimal Pramanik
The Hindus who were uprooted from their hearths and homes in East Pakistan due to religious persecution and measures or lack of them, taken by the successive Governments in East Pakistan (Bangladesh) after partition in 1947 were accepted as refugees by the Government of India and her people, not of course without grudge, and were given shelter, citizenship and were gradually absorbed in the mainstream of Indian people , particularly that of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura. This was quite understandable. But what happened after the birth of Bangladesh when it was the declared policy of the Government of India not to grant citizenship to any people (even if they were Hindus and were forced to leave Bangladesh as a result of persecution) who migrated to India from Bangladesh as refugees after 1971 ? In what way the migratory trend post 1971 was different from the earlier trends? How were hordes of Muslims able to settle in the border districts of West Bengal and Assam without much notice and commotion? How was this silent demographic invasion possible? Was there any historical perspective behind this large scale infiltration or a well thought out design of our neighboring country? What change this invasion has brought up in the demographic pattern of border districts as well as interior districts of West Bengal and Assam? These are the queries I have tried to address in this article.
It is fair to affirm that the vast demographic changes in the eastern and north-eastern States of India are undeniable. Yet there is ample scope for an analysis of facts and factors behind such demographic changes. A novel outcome of demographic pressures became more and more prominent over the years among the Bangladeshi migrants settling in India’s border region. Amazingly, this has gone largely unnoticed, even though it reflects significant changes in the daily life style, and affects the very root of the civil society.
I have tried to analyze the negative impact of gigantic immigration from Bangladesh upon India’s attempts to preserve secular harmony as well as national security. We do not intend to overrate the military potential of Bangladesh while assessing the impact of Bangladeshi immigrants upon India’s national security in north eastern and eastern States, but we can hardly underrate the significance of their disturbing and distorting impact on the ethos of secular harmony that India stands for, and has been practising unabatedly since independence, despite Partition on religious grounds.
This sordid impact of Bangladeshi immigration upon India is but a logical consequence of the stark failure of Bangladesh to evolve as a secular multicultural polity. The ruling circle of present day Bangladesh is determined not only to broaden and deepen the Islamisation of Bangladesh, but also to use Islam to incite separatist or secessionist forces in eastern/north-eastern India — by extensive support to a protracted arms struggle, if necessary. It is an open secret that in Bangladesh many international terrorist outfits with aggressive fundamentalist agendas are making all efforts to envelop Bangladesh’s socio-cultural fabrics with new Islamic prints and designs — though at the cost of the liberal tenets of Islam.
Following the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, the eastern and north eastern region of India faced a novel political and social challenge. At one time, critics and analysts complacently characterized it to be a migration flow. But later on, a series of political events proved that this was nothing but a kind of infiltration flow. As a corollary, it is equally imperative to understand the changing responses of the political parties and their leaders in this great drama of incessant demographic change, creating a menace to social harmony and national security.
This threat to our national security and social harmony will not be clearly understood unless we analyze the role of Bangladesh in this regard. Since the days of Partition, the Muslim psyche in both the parts of Pakistan has been suffering from a sense of injury about losing half of Bengal and Assam. They have been ruthlessly pursuing the policy of ‘lebensraum’ since the days of partition. Acting, perhaps, on the philosophy of the great Italian, Machiavelli, who observed in the 16th century that “sending immigrants is the most effective way to colonize countries because it is less offensive than to send military expeditions and much less expensive.” Bangladesh with a single minded devotion has been following this policy, and, to say the least, it has been quite successful in this endeavour.
There was, however, not much concern about Muslim infiltration from erstwhile East Pakistan to India in the pre-1971 period. For, an extensive migration of Hindu population into India was regarded as a natural fall-out of Partition.
The destiny of Pakistan from its historic origin was thus already blown off. Only one thing was discernible, and that was the fate of hapless and hopeless Hindus, whose sacrifice in the 1971 freedom struggle appeared to be negated by the assassination of Mujibur Rahman, and who started moving as an endless flock of people from Bangladesh to multiple directions into the land of India.
Post Mujib complicated socio-political situation not properly followed by India:
A new politics, a new economics and a new culture, taken together, started unravelling itself in India as a result of secularism, which aggravated the confusion of the exuberant and extravagant politics of secularism of the erstwhile radical nationalist and the radical left in India. Gradually, for the first time, the Hindu refugees were being treated at par with the Muslim infiltrators. This twin flow at the same time had introduced a new opportunity to show perversely that Bangladesh was as much secular as India. Politicians, who placed immediate electoral gain above national interest, could successfully equate Muslim infiltration with the Hindu refugee flow under the grand title of infinite and indefinite migration of Bangladeshis with nondescript faces through all conceivable manholes in the border region.
A new era has started. Leading Bangladeshi strategic analysts and intelligentsia introduced the theory of lebensraum in the 1980s. They claim that their right to settle in India’s eastern and north eastern States is to be considered as the natural course of overriding, what is to them, an unacceptable political demarcation of the border. It is important to note that, at present both sides of the India Bangladesh border are inhabited by a population which is ethnically, linguistically and religiously identical. It has thus become easy for the insurgent outfits to wage a proxy war at a low level. The costs and risks of this war are low, and yet it destabilizes the security of eastern and north-eastern India.
Growing population pressure and crippling poverty and pauperization of the marginal rural masses in Bangladesh encouraged, if not forced, them to put this agenda of migration as a life and death question, which no lock can resist. In the mean time, the consolidation of Islamic forces was already advanced. They adopted the agenda of a greater Islamic region as a grand political strategy. Although it was an emotional issue for Sheikh Mujib, later it became a political and strategic issue with the support of Pakistan.
There is no state religion in secular India, which is obliged to protect all religions equally, but the Bangladesh Republic has to preserve religious peace and harmony under the shadow of its state religion, viz. Islam. The adoption of Islam as the state religion has utterly demoralized Hindus, and has reinforced their already powerful compulsions about migration to India. Significantly, a state religion cannot extend the minimum of socio-economic protection even to Muslims, who, instead of being satisfied with living in Islamic Bangladesh, have long been voting with their feet, and continuously leaving for secular India, especially Assam and West Bengal. Whereas this is a constant tribute to India’s secularism, this is also a threat to India’s socio-economic-political security. Unfortunately, authorities in India have displayed little alertness in pre-empting or coping with this threat.
Idea of liberation war was incomplete and misunderstood:
The minority community in Bangladesh participated in the War of Liberation with the expectation that in the newly liberated country they would enjoy equal status and rights along with the majority community. But in practice, the persecution of the minorities continued even after independence. The forms of oppression of the religious minorities in Bangladesh are manifold. Constitutionally, they have been downgraded; economically, they have been crippled through different discriminatory laws and practices; politically, they have been segregated and alienated from the main stream; they have been made a non-entity in different government and non-government services; culturally and socially, they are insecure. They are totally deprived of the privileges of participation in the top positions of government, and nationally they are used as subjects tortured through communal riots organized by the government for counteracting political unrest against the ruling party. As a consequence of the discriminatory policies, combined with land grabbing, looting, arson, rape, murder and attack on religious institutions of the religious minorities with the collusion, if not instigation, of the government or semi-government agencies, there has been a continuous exodus of the minorities from Bangladesh.
Infiltration and Islamisation is a growing menace to India:
In the nineteen eighties, planned migration from Bangladesh conformed to the lebensraum theory, which was encouraged by the Indian Muslims in the border States under the protection and patronization of some political and social forces of India’s Eastern and North Eastern region. This continuous infiltration from across the border is slowly and steadily changing the demographic pattern in the border areas, especially in the States of West Bengal and Assam. This changed demographic scenario easily lends itself to disrupting social harmony. Already it has taken a shape of demographic invasion in the region, which is threatening our secular polity and national security. This is a religio-cultural process taking place in a geographical space considered to be strategically important. Thus, the emergence of Bangladesh has created in the North-Eastern States of India certain conditions conducive to Islamisation. At least three factors, facilitating the process of Islamisation, are obvious. First, strangely enough, whatever Islamisation has occurred in these parts of North-Eastern and Eastern India has happened within a secular political environment. Secondly, the appeasement of aliens for the purpose of garnering votes and the continuous anti-Centre stance have been conducive to the expansion of a psyche of Islamisation. Thirdly, a weak, undefined and unorganized secular frame has failed to combat the process of Islamisation.
Frequent failure of living with a multi-cultural ethos has jeopardized communal harmony, and defaced the secular fabric of the Indian society. Islamisation has always been, historically, a ‘power concept’. When secular forces come forward to protect social harmony on the basis of a dominant culture with a highly powerful assimilating force, forces of Islamization might claim their due and finally crave for a division of the same, assertive secular society.
From the very beginning since the liberation of 1971, Hindus who had earlier gone to India as refugees and returned to independent Bangladesh, again started migrating from the newly independent country to India, because they failed to retrieve their property and enjoy social security. Bengali nationalism was eroding fast, and anti-India sentiment was growing rapidly. After the assassination of Sheikh Mujib in 1975, the relevance of the very Bangladesh concept of 1971 was lost, and Bangladesh became a state tilting towards Islamisation. All this shows that the emergent idea of a secular Bangladesh, partially apparent in 1971, was not only missing but was probably mistaken. Mujib’s case of fighting against Pakistan had finally given way to a Bangladesh which never denied its Islamic character. On the surface, while Hindus imagined a new secular-democratic prospect, Muslims suffered from a bankruptcy of leadership, which threw them eventually into the clutches of Mushtaq Ahmed, Ziaur Rahman and others after Mujib’s death. It was a pity that Bangladesh came out as a country and a state with an overt Islamic identity.
Cultural transformation towards radical Islam unabated:
Leaders of the Muslim society as a whole are trying to organize and consolidate Muslim masses on the basis of religion and Madrassa teachings. The moderate views of the society are gradually being replaced by the Talibani concept. As a result, the differences with the other religious and cultural sects have become more widened. Now Bangladesh has become the epicentre of the North-Eastern region for propagating and promoting the ultra-Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism.
This political behaviour fitted fine in the general framework of the political objective of Bangladesh Republic after the initial euphoria of Mujib period was over. The liberation of Bangladesh from the yoke of Pakistan could not educate enough nor could it have any stable imprint upon the people of Bangladesh to evolve a friendly attitude towards India. The anti-Indian attitude of various political leaders whether one is from Muslim League or from the Awami League or from the BNP, remains a common characteristic to shape and influence the complementary relation between the process of minority exodus and demographic expansion of the majority.
During the last four decades it had been possible to imbibe among the rural masses as well as among a large section of urban middle class a belief that Bengali Muslims have to strengthen the Islamic identity in order to maintain a sovereign entity of Bangladesh. There must be an admixture of Islamic culture and social values with the existing Bengali culture. Consequently, Islamization of Bengali culture is more pronounced among the rich, middle and lower middle class people than it was during the Pakistani rule. Use of hejab, skull cap and burkha is evidently on the rise. Islamization on a gigantic scale is being manifested in the style of keeping beard and dresses, cultivation of Arabic language and culture and religious fanaticism. During Pakistan time, not only the AL leaders, but also a section of Muslim League leaders were never seen to use caps and keeping beard or reciting namaj on political ground. Public meeting and function were never kept in abeyance during the recitation of namaj. Madrasah education was totally neglected and non-acceptable compared to general education. But now political leaders are seen to accept vigorously Islamization on political ground. One-third of the total student community are passing through Madrassah education, and their role in the society cannot be ignored. As a result, the political leaders are trying to win the support of these masses in a manner acceptable to them. It is quite impossible that such a large section of Madrassah educated students can be absorbed in the mosques and Madrassas as imam or teachers. Where will they go? They cannot participate in the planning activities of modern age since they are more or less unfit and as such suffer from frustrations. This is primarily the cause that they are being attracted strongly to terrorist activities. The modern society cannot accommodate them and they cannot make themselves suitable for society. Consequently, they hinder the progress of society and try to reorient society according to their needs and ideas. This is being amply manifested in the cruel and destructible religious fundamentalist activities in recent times in Bangladesh.
Since the Pakistani days Islamization of Bangladesh has been going on, which has grown very rapidly after the gruesome murder of Sheikh Mujib. Madrassa education is the main plank of nurturing this process which has been strengthened by policies adopted by the Bangladesh Government from time to time. Islam has become the state religion according to its constitution. Thus there always existed a propensity in Bangladesh society to hate the Hindus, Buddhists and Christians, i.e. non-Muslims. The boys and girls get this propensity from their families in the first instance which get strengthened through religious teachings and Madrassa Education supported by the State. In addition the ill effects of Islamic fatwa coupled with ultra Islamic militancy of Taliban, Mujahedin and Al Quaida (Ladenic) have complicated hence increased this feeling. With this social situation the claim of the politicians and intellectuals that the Muslims of Bangladesh believe in communal harmony and are protectors of the minority communities is nothing but a wisp in the wind.
Policies of the different Bangladeshi governments in their internal politics:
All the governments of Bangladesh have been trying to strengthen Islam officially in the social milieu of Bangladesh, suppressing other religious communities. Conversion of members of other faiths to Islam is generally encouraged in the society. There is a declared budget for converted Muslims also. A clear cultural transformation towards Islamisation has been taking place in the society. In this slough of moderate Islam, even the AL led government, slowly but steadily, has been strengthening the very concept of Islamic Bangladesh, ignoring the ideals of liberation war. So, the people in general cannot come out from the clutches of Islamic fundamentalists. Sheikh Hasina campaigned hard against Jamat-e-Islam and war criminals, but not against Islamic fundamentalists/terrorists, who are killing bloggers and modern thinkers. There are many Islamic fundamentalist outfits that are active to Islamize liberal ideas and the Bengali identity. The present government itself is a party to it. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina declared that the government would build model mosques in all districts and upazilas (the number of upazila is more than 500) across Bangladesh to facilitate Islamic education. Islamic-cultural activities will be provided through these mosques.”1 it was a commitment of AL in its election manifesto in the last general election. Apart from that, mosque-based child and mass education programmes under the religious department of the government of Bangladesh are being continued.
Shahriar Kabir, a veteran Bangladeshi Human Rights activist and journalist opined that, “in a recent judgment Bangladesh High Court repealed the 5th Amendment# of the Constitution and has given an order to revive the 1972 Constitution which is also corroborated by the Supreme Court. But the saddest part is, Sheikh Hasina, Prime Minister of Bangladesh, has told in a Mohajote (Grand alliance ) meeting that ‘Bismillah’ will be retained in the constitution and no embargo will be given on religion based politics and political parties by the government. Even ‘Islam as State Religion’ will also stay. This stand of Prime Minister is nothing but a clear disowning/ violation of the Supreme Court verdict and mockery of wishes of 30 lakh martyrs and the spirit of Bangabandhu and liberation war. It is not reflecting the will of the citizens of Bangladesh who have elected Awami League to capture power in 2008”.2 In the absence of deep rooted liberal democratic practices in the society and politics, these types of developments are easily taking place since independence.
After capturing power, Ziaur Rahman started to incline Bangladesh ideologically towards Pakistan. Steps were taken to Islamize the Constitution by shrugging the ideals of liberation war, and by the rehabilitation of Islamic and pro-Pakistani elements in politics, elimination of pro-liberation officers from the military, distortion of history, Islamisation of Bengali culture, and induction of Pakistan oriented Islamic values in education and administration. He did all these to open a door to establish ‘Bangladeshi nationalism’##. As a result, Ziaur Rahman could establish a foothold among the intelligentsia and in the society as a whole. Under the cover of Bangladeshi nationalism, the process of introducing Pakistani/Islamic trends of thought started flourishing smoothly. In the footsteps of Zia, Gen. Ershad accelerated this process further by introducing and enacting a bill in June 1988, declaring Islam as the State Religion (8th Amendment of the Constitution). Gen. Ershad made it legal for the fundamentalist Islamic forces to flourish in the soil of Bangladesh without any hindrance. All the parties, including AL, accepted this amendment because the people of Bangladesh were eager to find a new identity. The notion of Bengali identity, which was thrust upon them, gradually had apparently disappeared, and they rushed towards their real identity. As a result, the growing religious chauvinism in the society attained such a great height that it became difficult for the politicians and the common people to go against it. Consequently, a supposed to be democratic and liberal party like AL has not shrunk from retaining ‘Islam as State Religion’ and ‘Bismillah-ar- Rahman-ar-Rahim’ in the constitution for the purpose of holding the vote bank, and also, remained determined to spread Islam smoothly.
An Islamic dream haunting Bangladesh:
Those who could not fulfil their dream of having the entire East Bengal and Assam in one province in 1905 and entire Bengal as East Pakistan in 1947 felt all the more devastated after the defeat of 1971. So if the 10% remaining minorities could be thrown out from Bangladesh making her a 100% Muslim country they might have been nourishing a dream of changing the so-called Bill Clinton’s `moderate Islam’ into a new brand of Talibanic Islam yet unthinkable and possibly incomparable with the practice of Talibanism in Pakistan. Possibly the Jamaat are enjoying a God-sent opportunity to add new militancy which their classical fundamentalism would not comprehend.
The thinking people of Bangladesh suffers from a “small state” paranoia and very often would bask under a pretentious knowledge of age-old history of India. They are happy having a constructed Islamic telescope to build up a structured history of Bangladesh as a part of the subcontinent in South Asia. Since many aspects of historical processes shall remain alien to such telescopic articulation — knowing history became highly truncated attributing fabricated meaning to such efforts. One should not fail to appreciate that any intelligible factual history of Bangladesh could be constructed on an otherwise historically rational frame, if only; one goes beyond a few hundred years before 1704 AD. This is so because the genesis and the evolution of a part of Dinesh Sen’s `Greater Bengal’ which is present day Bangladesh, coincidentally is a part of product of political arrangement of imperial understanding of the past rulers. So, the practical effort of building Bangladesh history is reduced to a somewhat erratic communal approach resulting into an ill fated systematization of a falsified history of Bangladesh as propagated and understood in the last quarter of the outgoing century particularly after the publication of three volume of “History of Bangladesh 1704-1971”.3
After the gruesome killing of Sheikh Mujib in 1975, there has been a rapid change in the socio-political scenario of Bangladesh during 21 years of rule by General Zia, General Ershad and Begum Khaleda Zia that followed. India-bashing and Islamization have taken a firm root in the body politic of Bangladesh during this period, and has percolated to the social fabric of the country to a considerable extent. A section of the Army, the bureaucrats, the intellectuals and well-organized political forces think that support should be lent to the secessionist forces of North-Eastern India which are waging an armed struggle according to them against the Indian Government and carrying on subversive activities disrupting the economic and social fabric of Eastern and North Eastern India. This is no longer a secret. Some terrorist organizations including Jamat-e-Islami of Bangladesh (JIB) built upon the theory of establishing an Islamic hegemony in this region. The fundamentalist Islamic forces and the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan have been carrying on their activities to reorient the Bengali society according to their ideas and goals and are pursuing a long term policy to achieve this by building an Islamic culture through the Madrassas. Noticeably, the number and practical influence of Madrassas in independent Bangladesh than in the days of Pakistani rule.
References:
- NTV Online, 22nd March 2015, Dhaka.
- ‘Irreversible Changes in Bangladesh’, an article by Bimal Pramanik, Eternal India, November 2010, New Delhi.
- History of Bangladesh 1704—1971, 3 volumes (edited by Sirajul Islam, Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Dhaka, 1992.)
Notes: # Introduced ‘Bismillah-ar- Rahman-ar-Rahim’ in the Preamble and diluted ‘Fundamental Principles’ by Islamic flavor of the Constitution.
## Bengali nationalism replaced by Bangladeshi nationalism with Islamic religious identity first.
(Published in Dialogue, Volume 17, No.4, April-June 2016, pp.134-144, New Delhi.)